News round-up, July 20, 2023
Innovation, project of the day…
Germany's power grid is experiencing a groundbreaking transformation thanks to the introduction of Fluence's battery-powered energy storage systems known as "Grid Boosters." Historically, the German power grid has been a significant focal point and has adhered to the n-1 principle, which limits the use of power lines to prevent blackouts. However, recent advancements in technology have given rise to a pioneering solution called Grid Boosters, which is set to revolutionize the energy sector.
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The Biggest Winners in America’s Climate Law: Foreign Companies
U.S. seeks to build domestic supply chains but needs overseas expertise
WSJ By Amrith Ramkumar, and Phred Dvorak, July 20, 2023Scoop!
Why From Ben & Jerry’s Blammes America For war In Ukraine
Your favorite ice cream mogul is campaigning against countering Vladimir Putin's aggression.
POLITICO EU BY NICOLAS CAMUT, IN BRUSSELS, JULY 20, 2023Germany's power grid is being revolutionized by battery-based energy storage systems known as "Grid Boosters."
The power grid in Germany has always been a top priority and has followed the n-1 principle, which limits the use of power lines to prevent outages. Now, with technological advancements, a groundbreaking solution called Grid Boosters is set to revolutionize the energy industry.
By Germán & Co, Karlstad, Sweden, July 20, 2023Companies Requiring Full-Time In-Office Are Struggling to Recruit New Employees
Flexibility Over Rigidity: The Growing Proof
TIME BY ALANA SEMUELS, JULY 18, 2023 Companies Requiring Full-Time In-Office Are Struggling to Recruit New Employees
Flexibility Over Rigidity: The Growing Proof
TIME BY ALANA SEMUELS, JULY 18, 2023 
At the COA Spring Gala 2023, Andrés Gluski, the CEO & President of AES and Chairman of the Americas Society/Council of the Americas, presented President Lacalle Pou with the prestigious Gold Insigne. This award was given in recognition of President Lacalle Pou's outstanding leadership in successfully transforming Uruguay into a prominent technology and innovation hub, all while upholding a thriving democracy and robust economy.
Tesla’s Nevada factory. The U.S. electric-vehicle maker and Japanese battery supplier Panasonic are among the firms benefiting from last year’s climate law. BOB STRONG/REUTERSWSJ By Amrith Ramkumar, and Phred Dvorak, July 20, 2023The 2022 climate law unleashed a torrent of government subsidies to help the U.S. build clean-energy industries. The biggest beneficiaries so far are foreign companies.
The Inflation Reduction Act has spurred nearly $110 billion in U.S. clean-energy projects since it passed almost a year ago, a Wall Street Journal analysis shows. Companies based overseas, largely from South Korea, Japan and China, are involved in projects accounting for more than 60% of that spending. Fifteen of the 20 largest such investments, nearly all in battery factories, involve foreign businesses, the Journal’s analysis shows.
These overseas manufacturers will be able to claim billions of dollars in tax credits, making them among the biggest winners from the climate law. The credits are often tied to production volume, rewarding the largest investors.
Japan’s Panasonic, one of the few companies to publicly estimate the impact of the law, could earn more than $2 billion in tax credits a year based on the capacity of battery plants it is operating or building in Nevada and Kansas. The company, which supplies batteries to electric-vehicle maker Tesla, is considering a third factory in the U.S. that would lift that total.
The climate law is designed to build up domestic supply chains for green-energy industries, but the reality is that the technology for building batteries and renewable-energy equipment resides overseas. The incentives are leading these companies to invest in the U.S., often alongside domestic businesses.
“It’s a testament to the fact that we still live in a globalized economy,” said Aniket Shah, head of environmental, social and corporate governance—or ESG—strategy at investment bank Jefferies. “You can’t just out of nowhere put up borders and say, ‘It has to be made in America by American companies.’ ”
What’s the best way for the U.S. to build clean-energy industries? Join the conversation below.
The Journal looked at roughly 210 clean-energy projects and company initiatives spurred by the law, including projects tracked by industry groups American Clean Power and E2 (Environmental Entrepreneurs); announcements from companies and state and local governments; and media reports. Of those, about 140 disclosed investment amounts totaling roughly $110 billion.
Projects were characterized as either wholly U.S. ventures or foreign if overseas companies are contributing significant investment or technology. Renewable-power facilities and projects already in the works before the law passed were excluded.
Forecasters estimate the climate law could unleash some $3 trillion in total clean-energy investments over the next decade. U.S. companies are also investing heavily, including Tesla, solar-panel maker First Solar and hydrogen producer Air Products and Chemicals.
Full domestic supply chains for batteries or solar panels are still years away because foreign companies dominate nearly every step in the process, from raw materials to sophisticated parts.
The large investments by overseas businesses have generally been welcomed by U.S. communities, many of which have benefited for decades from spending and jobs created by foreign automakers and other companies. But some investments from Chinese companies have fueled a backlash as tensions between the two countries escalate.
At least 10 of the projects representing nearly $8 billion in investments included in the Journal’s analysis involve companies either based in China or with substantial ties to China through their core operations or large investors.
Some projects are facing resistance, including two in Michigan: a $3.5 billion battery factory that Ford is building with technology and expertise from China’s CATL; and a $2.4 billion battery-component factory from China-based Gotion. Ford is keeping 100% ownership of the battery factory—in part to sidestep the issue of public funds flowing to CATL, according to a person with knowledge of the deal. Ford is licensing the battery-making know-how and services from CATL, the companies said.
But China hawks say the payments Ford makes to CATL mean the Chinese company reap indirect benefits from government support.
“What we’re seeing is foreign policy conflict with climate policy and trade policy,” Shah said. “We’re going to have to decide as a country what matters more: our enmity with China or our desire to decarbonize quickly.”
Microvast, a startup that was planning to build a more than $500 million battery-component plant in Kentucky, was named as a potential recipient of a $200 million grant from the Energy Department last year. The department later rejected the application. The move followed criticism from Republicans about the company’s ties to China, which include a China subsidiary that accounts for more than 60% of its revenue.
The large electric -car and battery plant- investment announced after climate’s law passageThe Energy Department didn’t give a reason for withdrawing the grant. The department takes a number of factors into account when evaluating such projects, including technology risks and the potential for foreign influence, a spokeswoman said.
Microvast, based in Stafford, Texas, says it is a U.S. company and that Chief Executive Yang Wu is an American citizen. The company recently scrapped plans for the Kentucky plant.
“We must be assured that these taxpayer dollars are not being funneled to the Chinese,” said Cathy McMorris Rodgers (R, Wash.), chair of the House of Representatives committee on energy and commerce, during a June hearing.
Microvast is committed to its goals of investing in the U.S. through other facilities, a spokeswoman said.
The issue is expected to come to a head when the Treasury Department completes rules for electric-car tax credits. The department has proposed that cars using battery materials that were produced by a “foreign entity of concern” such as a Chinese company wouldn’t qualify for tax credits beginning in 2025.
Many expect Treasury to use a loose standard so that some cars qualify, potentially fueling criticism from some politicians who crafted the climate law such as West Virginia Sen. Joe Manchin (D., W.Va.), who has argued more lenient criteria go against the intent of the Inflation Reduction Act. Treasury is monitoring shifting markets and supply chains while making rules that advance the law’s goals, a spokeswoman said.
At the Energy Summit 2923 in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, Edwin De los Santos, President of AES DOMINICANA, emphasized the company's strong commitment to global environmental preservation.
“The relationship between energy and development is symbiotic and interdependent. “
Illustrations by hitandrun for POLITICOScoop!
Why From Ben & Jerry’s Blammes America For war In Ukraine
Your favorite ice cream mogul is campaigning against countering Vladimir Putin's aggression.
POLITICO EU BY NICOLAS CAMUT, IN BRUSSELS, JULY 20, 2023Ben Cohen wasn’t talking about ice cream. He was talking about American militarism.
At 72, the co-founder of Ben & Jerry’s ice cream is bald and bespectacled. He looks fit, cherubic even, but when he got going on what it was like to grow up during the Cold War, his tone became less playful and more assertive — almost defiant.
“I had this image of these two countries facing each other, and each one had this huge pile of shiny, state-of-the-art weapons in front of them,” he said, his arms waving above his head. “And behind them are the people in their countries that are suffering from lack of health care, not enough to eat, not enough housing.”
“It’s just crazy,” he added. “Approaching relationships with other countries based on threats of annihilating them, it’s just a pretty stupid way to go.”
It wasn’t a new subject for the famously socially conscious ice cream mogul; Cohen has been leading a crusade against what he sees as Washington’s bellicosity for decades. It’s just that with the war in Ukraine, his position has taken on a new — morally questionable — relevance.
Cohen, who no longer sits on the board of Ben & Jerry’s, isn’t just one of the most successful marketers of the last century. He’s a leading figure in a small but vocal part of the American left that has stood steadfast in opposition to the United States’ involvement in the war in Ukraine.
When Russian President Vladimir Putin sent tanks rolling on Kyiv, Cohen didn’t focus his ire on the Kremlin; a group he funds published a full-page ad in the New York Times blaming the act of aggression on “deliberate provocations” by the U.S. and NATO.
Following months of Russian missile strikes on residential apartment blocks, and after evidence of street executions by Russian troops in the Ukrainian city of Bucha, he funded a 2022 journalism prize that praised its winner for reporting on “Washington’s true objectives in the Ukraine war, such as urging regime change in Russia.”
In May, Cohen tweeted approvingly of an op-ed by the academic Jeffrey Sachs that argued “the war in Ukraine was provoked” and called for “negotiations based on Ukraine’s neutrality and NATO non-enlargement.”
I set up a video call with Cohen not because I can’t sympathize with his mistrust of U.S. adventurism, nor because I couldn’t follow the argument that U.S. foreign policy spurred Russia to attack. I called to try to understand how he has maintained his stance even as the Kremlin abducts children, tortures and kills Ukrainians and sends thousands of Russian troops to their deaths in human wave attacks.
It’s one thing to warn of NATO expansion in peacetime, or to call for a negotiated settlement that leaves Ukrainian citizens safe from further aggression. It’s another to ignore one party’s atrocities and agitate for an outcome that would almost certainly leave millions of people at the mercy of a regime that has demonstrated callousness and cruelty.
Given the scale of Russia’s brutality in Ukraine, I wanted to understand: How does one justify focusing one’s energies on stopping the efforts to bring it to a halt?
Masters of war
Cohen’s political awakening took place against the background of the Cold War and the political upheaval caused by Washington’s involvement in Vietnam.
He was 11 during the Cuban missile crisis that brought the world to the brink of nuclear war. Part of the reason he enrolled in college was to avoid being drafted and sent to the jungle to fight the Viet Cong.
When I asked how he first became interested in politics, he cited Bob Dylan’s 1963 protest song “Masters of War,” which takes aim at the political leaders and weapons makers who benefit from conflicts and culminates with the singer standing over their graves until he’s sure they’re dead.
“That was kind of a revelation to me,” Cohen said. Behind him, the sun filtered past a cardboard Ben & Jerry’s sign propped against a window. “I hadn’t understood that, you know, there were these masters of war — essentially I guess what we would now call the military-industrial-congressional complex — that profit from war.”
Cohen saw people from his high school get drafted and never come back from a war that “wasn’t justified.” As he graduated in the summer of 1969, around half a million U.S. troops were stationed in ‘Nam. Later that year, hundreds of thousands of protesters marched on Washington, D.C. to demand peace.
It was only much later, while doing “a lot of research” into the “tradeoffs between military spending and spending for human needs,” that Cohen came across a 1953 speech by Dwight D. Eisenhower, which foreshadowed the U.S. president’s 1961 farewell address in which he coined the phrase “military-industrial complex.”
A Republican president who had served as the supreme allied commander in Europe during World War II, Eisenhower warned against tumbling into an arms race. “Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed,” he said.
“That is a foundational thing for me, very inspiring for me, and captures the essence of what I believe,” Cohen said.
“If we weren’t wasting all of our money on preparing to kill people, we would actually be able to save and help a lot of people,” he added with a chuckle. “That goes for how we approach the world internationally as well,” he added — including the war in Ukraine.
Pierre Ferrari, a former Ben & Jerry’s board member who was with the company from 1997 to 2020, said Cohen’s view of the world was shaped by the events of his youth.
“We were brought up at a time when the military, the government was just completely out of control,” he said. “We’re both children of the sixties, the Vietnam War and the new futility of war and the way war is used by the military-industrial complex and politics,” Ferrari added, pointing to the peace symbol he wore around his neck.
Jeff Furman, who has known Cohen for nearly 50 years and once served as Ben & Jerry’s in-house legal counsel, acknowledged that his generation’s views on Ukraine were informed by America’s misadventures in Vietnam.
“There’s a history of why this war is happening that’s a little bit more complex than who Putin is,” he said. “When you’ve been misled so many times in the past, you have to take this into consideration when you think about it, and really, really try to know what’s happening.”
Ice-cold activism
Politics has been a part of the Ben & Jerry’s brand since Cohen and his partner Jerry Greenfield started selling ice cream out of an abandoned gas station in 1978.
The company’s look and ethos were pure 1960s; they named one of their early flavors, Cherry Garcia, after the lead guitarist of the Grateful Dead, Jerry Garcia, whose psychedelic riffs formed the soundtrack of the hippy counterculture.
Social justice was one of the duo’s secret ingredients. For the first-year anniversary of the gas station shop’s opening, they gave away free ice cream for a day. On the flyers printed to promote the event was a quote from Cohen: “Business has a responsibility to give back to the community from which it draws its support.”
In 1985, after the company went public, they used some of the shares to endow a foundation working for progressive social change and committed Ben & Jerry’s to spend 7.5 percent of its pretax profits on philanthropy.
In the early years, the company instituted a five-to-one cap on the ratio between the salary of the highest-earning executive and its lowest-paid worker, dropping it only when Cohen was about to step down as CEO in the mid-1990s and they were struggling to find a successor willing to work for what they were offering.
Most companies try to separate politics and business. Cohen and Greenfield cheerfully mixed them up and served them in a tub of creamy deliciousness (the company’s rich, fatty flavors were in part driven by Cohen’s sinus problems, which dulls his taste).
In 1988, Cohen founded 1% for Peace, a nonprofit organization seeking to “redirect one percent of the national defense budget to fund peace-promoting activities and projects.” The project was funded in part through sales of a vanilla and dark-chocolate popsicle they called the Peace Pop.
It was around this time that Cohen opened Ben & Jerry’s in Russia, as “an effort to build a bridge between Communism and capitalism with locally produced Cherry Garcia,” according to a write-up in the New York Times. After years of planning, the outlet opened in the northwestern city of Petrozavodsk in 1992. (The company shut the shop down five years later to prioritize growth in the U.S., and also because of the involvement of local mobsters, said Furman, who was involved in the project.)
Even after Ben & Jerry’s was bought by Unilever in 2000, there were few progressive causes the company wasn’t eager to wade into with a campaign or a fancy new flavor.
The ice cream maker has marketed “Rainforest Crunch” in defense of the Amazon forest, sold “Empower Mint” to combat voter suppression, promoted “Pecan Resist” in opposition to then-U.S. President Donald Trump and launched “Change the Whirled” in partnership with Colin Kaepernick, the American football quarterback whose sports career ended after he started taking a knee during the national anthem in protest of police brutality.
More recently, however, the relationship between Cohen, Greenfield and Unilever has been rockier. In 2021, Ben & Jerry’s announced it would stop doing business in the Palestinian territories. Cohen and Greenfield, who are Jewish, defended the company’s decision in an op-ed in the New York Times.
After the move sparked political backlash, Unilever transferred its license to a local producer, only to be sued by Ben & Jerry’s. In December 2022, Unilever announced in a one-sentence statement that its litigation with its subsidiary “has been resolved.” Ben & Jerry’s ice cream continues to be sold throughout Israel and the West Bank, according to a Unilever spokesperson.
Cohen himself is no stranger to activism: Earlier this month, he was arrested and detained for a few hours for taking part in a sit-in in front of the U.S. Department of Justice, where he was protesting the prosecution of the activist and WikiLeaks publisher Julian Assange.
Unilever declined to comment on Cohen’s views. “Ben Cohen no longer has an operational role in Ben & Jerry’s, and his comments are made in a personal capacity,” a spokesperson said.
Ben & Jerry’s did not respond to a request for comment.
The world according to Ben
For Cohen, the war in Ukraine wasn’t just a tragedy. It was, in a sense, a vindication. In 1998, a group he created called Business Leaders for Sensible Priorities published a full-page ad in the New York Times titled “Hey, let’s scare the Russians.”
The target of the ad was a proposal to expand NATO “toward Russia’s very borders,” with the inclusion of Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic. Doing so, the ad asserted, would provide Russians with “the same feeling of peace and security Americans would have if Russia were in a military alliance with Canada and Mexico, armed to the teeth.”
Cohen is by no means alone in this view of recent history. The American scholar John Mearsheimer, a prominent expert in international relations, has argued that the “trouble over Ukraine” started after the 2008 NATO summit in Bucharest when the alliance opened the door to membership for Ukraine and Georgia.
In the U.S., this point has been echoed by progressive outlets and thinkers, such as Jeffrey Sachs, the linguist Noam Chomsky, or most recently by the American philosopher, activist and longest-of-long-shots, third-party presidential candidate Cornel West.
“We told them after they disbanded the Warsaw Pact that we could not expand NATO, not one inch. And we did that, we lied,” said Dennis Fritz, a retired U.S. Air Force official and the head of the Eisenhower Media Network — which describes itself as a group of “National Security Veteran experts, who’ve been there, done that and have an independent, alternative story to tell.”
It was Fritz’s organization that argued in a May 2023 ad in the New York Times that although the “immediate cause” of the “disastrous” war in Ukraine was Russia’s invasion, “the plans and actions to expand NATO to Russia’s borders served to provoke Russian fears.”
The ad noted that American foreign policy heavyweights, including Robert Gates and Henry Kissinger, had warned of the dangers of NATO expansion. “Why did the U.S. persist in expanding NATO despite such warnings?” it asked. “Profit from weapons sales was a major factor.”
When I spoke to Cohen, the group’s primary donor, according to Fritz, he echoed the ad’s key points, saying U.S. arms manufacturers saw NATO’s expansion as a “financial bonanza.”
“In the end, money won,” he said with a resigned tone. “And today, not only are they providing weapons to all the new NATO countries, but they’re providing weapons to Ukraine.”
I told Cohen I could understand his opposition to the war and follow his critique of U.S. foreign policy, but I couldn’t grasp how he could take a position that put him in the same corner as a government that is bombing civilians. He refused to be drawn in.
“I’m not supporting Russia, I’m not supporting Ukraine,” he said. “I’m supporting negotiations to end the war instead of providing more weapons to continue the war.”
The Grayzone
Itried to get a better answer when I spoke to Aaron Maté, the Canadian-born journalist who won the award for “defense reporting and analysis” that Cohen was instrumental in funding.
Named after the late Pierre Sprey, a defense analyst who campaigned against the development of F-35 fighter jets as overly complex and expensive, the award recognized Maté’s “continued work dissecting establishment propaganda on issues such as Russian interference in U.S. politics, or the war in Syria.”
Maté, who was photographed with Cohen’s arm around his shoulders at the awards ceremony in March, writes for the Grayzone, a far-left website that has acquired a reputation for publishing stories backing the narratives of authoritarian regimes like Putin’s Russia or Bashar al-Assad’s Syria. His reports deny the use of chemical weapons against civilians in Syria, and he has briefed the U.N. Security Council at Moscow’s invitation.
When I spoke to Maté, he was friendly but guarded. (The Pierre Sprey award noted that “his empiricist reporting give the lie to the charge of ‘disinformation’ routinely leveled by those whose nostrums he challenges.”)
He was happy however to walk me through his claims that, based on statements by U.S. officials since the start of the war, Washington is using Kyiv to wage a “proxy war” against Moscow. Much of his information, he said, came from Western journalism. “I point out examples where, buried at the bottom of articles, sometimes the truth is admitted,” he explained.
He declined to be described as pro-Putin. “That kind of ‘guilt-by-association’ reasoning is not serious thinking,” he said. “It’s not how adults think about things.” When I asked if he believed that Russia had committed war crimes in Ukraine, he answered: “I’m sure they have. I’ve never heard of a war where war crimes are not committed.”
Still, he said, the U.S. was responsible for “prolonging” the war and “sabotaging the diplomacy that could have ended it.”
‘Come to Ukraine’
The best answer I got to my question came not from Cohen or others in his circle but from a fellow traveler who hasn’t chosen to follow critics of NATO on their latest journey.
A self-described “radical anti-imperialist,” Gilbert Achcar is a professor of development studies and international relations at SOAS University of London. He has described the expansion of NATO in the 1990s as a decision that “laid the ground for a new cold war” pitting the West against Russia and China.
But while he sees the war in Ukraine as the latest chapter in this showdown, he has warned against calls for a rush to the negotiating table. Instead, he has advocated for the complete withdrawal of Russia from Ukraine and “the delivery of defensive weapons to the victims of aggression with no strings attached.”
“To give those who are fighting a just war the means to fight against a much more powerful aggressor is an elementary internationalist duty,” he wrote three days after Russia launched its attack on Kyiv, comparing the invasion to the U.S.’s intervention in Vietnam.
Achcar said he understood the conclusions being drawn by people like Cohen about Washington’s interventions in Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan. But, he said, “it leads a lot of people on the left into … [a] knee-jerk opposition to anything the United States does.”
What they fail to account for, however, is the Ukrainian people.
“In a way, part of the Western left is ethnocentric,” said Achcar, who was born in Senegal and grew up in Lebanon. “They look at the whole world just by their opposition to their own government and therefore forget about other people’s rights.”
His point was echoed in the last conversation I had when researching this article, with Tymofiy Mylovanov, president of the Kyiv School of Economics and a former economy minister.
“It doesn’t really matter who promised what to whom in the 1990s,” Mylovanov said. “What matters is that there was Mariupol and Bucha, where tens of thousands of people were killed.”
Mylovanov taught economics at the University of Pittsburgh until he returned to Ukraine four days before Putin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
“Things like war are difficult to understand unless you experience them,” he said. “This is very easy to get confused when you are sitting, you know, somewhere far from the facts and you have surrounded yourself by an echo chamber of people and sources that you agree with.”
Image: Germán & CoCooperate with objective and ethical thinking…
NThe 250MW Netzbooster (Grid Booster) project is being deployed in the hopes of increasing network utilisation across the German transmission system by using battery-based energy storage.Source: Fluence/Editing by Germán & CoGermany's power grid is being revolutionized by battery-based energy storage systems known as "Grid Boosters."
The power grid in Germany has always been a top priority and has followed the n-1 principle, which limits the use of power lines to prevent outages. Now, with technological advancements, a groundbreaking solution called Grid Boosters is set to revolutionize the energy industry.
By Germán & Co, Karlstad, Sweden, July 20, 2023“In order for the power sector to successfully transition to a net-zero emissions future, it is important to adopt flexible and innovative approaches. With increasing countries committing to ambitious decarbonization plans, the power sector will undergo significant changes. The International Energy Agency's "Net Zero by 2050" report highlights the critical role that variable renewables will play in the power generation mix. As electrification becomes a means of decarbonization, power demand will increase, making it essential to prioritize flexible demand and supply technologies. New technologies such as batteries, energy storage, biomass, and thermal plants with carbon capture and storage will be crucial in providing flexibility. Complementary technologies will ensure a constant balance between supply and demand as the share of variable renewable energy sources increases. The emergence of new demand sources provides a significant opportunity to prioritize flexible demand and supply technologies.
TenneT and Fluence Energy GmbH Collaborate to Simplify Energy Transmission Grid in Germany
In BAYREUTH, Germany and ERLANGEN, Germany on July 11, 2023, the transmission grid operator TenneT and Fluence Energy GmbH (Fluence), a subsidiary of Fluence Energy, Inc. (NASDAQ: FLNC) today sealed their cooperations on two Netzboosters (Grid Boosters) with a contract signing at Fluence’s technology centre in Erlangen on July 11, 2023,
This collaboration aims to simplify the energy transmission grid by introducing two Netzboosters, also known as Grid Boosters, powered by Fluence's cutting-edge energy storage technology. The Grid Boosters will utilize Fluence Ultrastack, an advanced energy storage product specifically designed to meet the demanding asset availability requirements of critical infrastructure. By incorporating battery-based energy storage systems, these Grid Boosters will significantly reduce system costs for consumers. How, you might ask? By minimizing the need for interventions in the grid and reducing the necessity for grid expansion measures.
TenneT will strategically integrate the two Grid Boosters into the transmission grid at Audorf Süd in Schleswig-Holstein and Ottenhofen in Bavaria, Germany. This strategic placement will enable TenneT to seamlessly integrate more electricity from renewable energy generation sources. The existing grid can now operate with a higher transmission load, allowing for increased capacity in handling renewable energy.
Mode of Operation of the Grid Booster
As the energy transition gains momentum, there is an increasing imbalance between energy production and consumption. This necessitates the expansion of energy grids to transport power generated in decentralized locations, often across long distances. However, traditional grid expansion alone is not sufficient to overcome the challenges faced by the transmission grid. Innovation is required, and one such concept is the Grid Booster.
Historically, the high-voltage grid in Germany has operated on the n-1 principle, which means that power lines are not fully utilized in order to ensure safe system operation in the event of a power failure. Moving forward, Grid Boosters, among other resources, will fulfill this role by allowing the existing lines to almost reach their full capacity. By doing so, the need for proactive grid interventions is greatly reduced.
TenneT's Grid Boosters are pilot projects outlined in the 2019 grid development plan for electricity. The initial stage involves testing the concept on a smaller scale with two 100 MW/100 MWh energy storage systems at the Audorf Süd and Ottenhofen substations. In the second phase of the grid development plan for 2037/2045, it is projected that the German grid will feature up to 54.5 GW of large energy storage systems by 2045 through scenario C2045. The successful implementation of TenneT's Grid Boosters will lay the foundation for future large-scale projects where storage is utilized as a transmission asset.
Ultimately, these Grid Boosters offer immense potential for secure and flexible grid operation, enhancing the efficiency and sustainability of the energy system. By leveraging innovations like Grid Boosters alongside traditional grid expansion, the challenges of transmitting energy over long distances can be effectively addressed, further facilitating the ongoing energy transition.
The project builds on more than 15 years of energy storage deployments by the Fluence team. Ultrastack was tailored to the specific requirements of TenneT’s Grid Boosters and was developed and tested in Fluence’s technology centre in Erlangen. Fluence expects the need for storage solutions to grow rapidly, as the massive expansion of renewable energy sources will increase grid congestion and consequently require more grid reinforcement and relief interventions.
“Fluence, through its advanced product capabilities and extensive energy market experience, is well positioned to be a long-term partner to TSOs in Germany and globally,” said Markus Meyer, Managing Director at Fluence. “TenneT’s Grid Boosters will be the seventh and eighth storage-as-transmission projects Fluence is deploying. Our team is developing the complex applications required for these types of projects in our Erlangen lab and research facility and we continue to invest strongly in our German presence.”
Seaboard: pioneers in power generation in the country…
…“More than 32 years ago, back in January 1990, Seaboard began operations as the first independent power producer (IPP) in the Dominican Republic. They became pioneers in the electricity market by way of the commercial operations of Estrella del Norte, a 40MW floating power generation plant and the first of three built for Seaboard by Wärtsilä.
Source: Media/Editing by Germán & CoCompanies Requiring Full-Time In-Office Are Struggling to Recruit New Employees
Flexibility Over Rigidity: The Growing Proof
TIME BY ALANA SEMUELS, JULY 18, 2023 The beginning of 2023 brought the end of some remote-work policies as Disney, Starbucks, and Activision Blizzard all said they would require employees to come into the office more frequently.
Employees complained, and there was some anecdotal evidence that in-office mandates were costing those and other companies good workers, who voted with their feet and went elsewhere.
Now, the proof is getting stronger that a lack of flexibility can hurt in the long term. Companies with flexible work policies are growing more quickly than those that require people to be in the office full-time, according to The Flex Index, released July 18, which collects office requirements on more than 4,500 companies with 30,000 locations and that employ more than 100 million people globally.
Specifically, in the last year, companies—regardless of their size—that are fully flexible added jobs at more than twice the rate of companies that were full-time in office.
“It seems pretty clear that the companies that are full time in-office are having a harder time attracting talent than the companies that offer some level of flexibility,” says Rob Sadow, CEO and co-founder of Scoop, the technology company that publishes the report.
Even companies that offer some level of flexibility, whether it be two or three days working from home, have grown more quickly than those that require full-time in-office. Among companies that have between 500 and 5,000 employees, for example, structured hybrid companies (i.e., that require employees to come in on some specific days, but not on others) grew headcount 4.6% over the year, while fully flexible companies of that size grew 4.5%. Full-time in-office companies of that size grew only 2.1%, by comparison.
But there’s a limit to what kind of hybrid arrangement employees seem willing to commit to. Companies that require 1-3 days in the office grew much faster than those that required four or five, the report found.
“Once you start getting closer to full-time in office, requiring four or five days, I think there’s a bright line starting to emerge for employees and for your ability to attract talent,” Sadow says.
Of course, headcount growth is not necessarily a proxy for a company’s financial health. But in this economy, with an extremely low unemployment rate and some industries still reporting wars over talent, the companies that are hiring are typically the ones growing revenue, Sadow says.
Atlassian is one company that has committed to being fully flexible. In August 2020, it announced its Team Anywhere policy, which allows employees to decide if they want to be in-office or not. Since then, the company has more than doubled in headcount, from 4,907 to 11,067. (Atlassian also laid off 500 employees in March because of the “difficult macroeconomic environment.”) “We’re doing [remote work] unequivocally and we’re winning faster than everybody else,” co-CEO Scott Farquhar told me recently. Atlassian still has offices, but it allows employees to decide when (and whether) they want to go in. About half of the company’s new hires live more than two hours from an office, which means they were in locations that Atlassian previously wouldn’t have been able to hire from. The company has also been able to increase diversity because it can hire people who live outside major cities; previously, its biggest U.S. office and headquarters was in the San Francisco Bay Area.
“Operating beyond the physical footprints of our offices means we can hire people we previously couldn’t,” Farquhar says, including underrepresented groups that prefer or need to work from home or a location where Atlassian doesn’t have offices. “Now we can hire them and provide a career that was previously unattainable because we’ve removed the restraints of physical location.” For instance, Atlassian struggled to hire Black talent in the San Francisco Bay Area but has found some success hiring Black talent in Atlanta, he says. In 2022, 5.4% of the people Atlassian hired were Black people based in the U.S., up from 2.4% in 2020. Similarly, 37.9% of the people Atlassian hired were women in 2022, up from 30.7% in 2020.
The company has found that flexibility allows people to move closer to family or to more affordable cities; many Atlassians who had been based in San Francisco moved to Seattle after it launched the Team Anywhere policy. The policy has also increased the number of disabled and veteran workers the company hired, since veterans tend to be less likely to live in the country’s most populous cities and disabled workers sometimes struggle with a commute or being required to sit at a desk all day.
Of course, allowing workers to be fully remote has its downsides. A study published earlier in July found that fully remote workers are about 10% less productive than workers who are in the office full-time. Fully remote workers can have trouble motivating themselves, the research suggested, and are sometimes more distracted at meetings because they are multi-tasking. That said, the same research shows that hybrid work has no association with lower productivity.
Farquhar, of Atlassian, says that the company has experimented with ways to keep productivity high and keep people connected, even if they’re rarely in an office. The company leans on “intentional togetherness,” which essentially means planning times where groups of workers are together in-person to socialize. Atlassian has found that there’s a spike in connectedness to the company after these offsites, and that fades after three or four months, by which time the company holds another offsite.
Veeva Systems is another company that decided to embrace remote work during the pandemic; the life sciences company announced a “Work Anywhere” policy that allows people to decide whether to work at home or in an office. The policy boosted recruiting, says chief people officer Vivian Welsh. Between July 2020 and April 2023, Veeva increased its headcount by 71%, and now has employees in 48 states (with New Mexico and North Dakota as the exceptions). “As some other companies in the industry have changed their policies” to require return to office, Welsh says, “we’ve noticed an increase in interest.”
Veeva also has policies aimed at keeping remote workers engaged; it has offsites of whole departments once a year, and “coworking weeks” in which the company sometimes pays for small teams to work together in a single office. It also requires employees to have video on for Zoom calls, open calendars so others can see what they’re doing, and to work during “core hours” so they are reachable even if they’re not in the office.
Difficulty hiring does not appear to have motivated companies that ended their fully remote companies to change their policies, but Sadow, of Scoop, says that this may change if the job market remains tight. People may stick with their current employer for a lot of intangible reasons, but when they’re deciding where they want to work next, they may be less willing to put up with stringent in-office companies. And if companies continue having trouble hiring, they may be forced to change.
Correction, July 19
The original version of this article mischaracterized the period during which Veeva’s headcount increased by 70% and to how many states it expanded; it grew to 48 states between July 2020 and April 2023, not to 50 between Q1 2020 and Q1 2024. It also mischaracterized how Veeva defines “coworking weeks”; during those periods, the company sometimes but not always pays for small teams to work together in an office.
Mexican businessman Manuel Gonzalez has invested €50 million in his new luxury restaurant Abya, open in a 20th-century palace in the Salamanca district of Madrid, on May 27, 2023. MANAURE QUINTERO/BLOOMBERG IMAGES/Editing by Germán & CoFor Latino investors and dissidents, Madrid is becoming the 'new Miami'
The Spanish government has made closer ties with Latin America one of the priorities of its presidency of the Council of the European Union.
Le Monde by Sandrine Morel , published today at 12:24 am (Paris)Holders of large Mexican and Colombian fortunes; economic migrants from Honduras, Bolivia and Ecuador; Cuban and Venezuelan political dissidents and former members of Central American governments; not to mention Latino singers and writers: They are all converging at the Spanish capital. While Madrid has always nurtured a close relationship with Latin America, it is more trendy than ever, particularly among the wealthiest Latin Americans. In 2022, according to the National Statistics Institute, more than 3 million people born in Latin America were living in Spain, including over 820,000 in Madrid and its region – almost 50% more than in 2015. And that's not counting the young people of the second generation, whose parents arrived to take part in the construction boom of the early 2000s.
Determined to make the most of its historical, cultural and economic links with Latin America, the Spanish government has logically made closer ties with the continent one of the priorities of its rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union, which it has held since July 1. In addition to Europe's strategic interest in a closer relationship, Spain would gain a new dimension in the geopolitical arena and assert itself as a global player, acting as a gateway and pivot to its former colonies.
"Spain is becoming what Miami used to be. The language is the same, integration is working, and wealthy Latin Americans and workers alike are finding something highly valued in Latin America: security," pointed out Erika Gonzalez, professor of international relations at the Complutense University of Madrid. She sees in this craze the consequences of "the departure of large Latin American fortunes from the United States during Donald Trump's presidency" and "the American integration model's running out of steam."
Political instability and the fact that numerous left-wing governments came to power in Latin America – the "marea rosa" ("pink tide") – may also have caused concern among the moneyed elite. In 2021, Latin America recorded capital outflows of $140 billion (€124 billion). The same is expected in 2022. And in Madrid, several Mexican law firms specializing in international arbitration have opened offices, anticipating a "growth in litigation and regulatory problems for foreign investors," due to "the uncertainty and the political situation in Latin America," the Spanish Arbitration Club (CEA) recently pointed out.
In the middle-class Salamanca district in the heart of Madrid, Latin American millionaires have been flocking in recent years to the luxury apartments built by Venezuelan and Mexican developers. The latest example is a 1930s building on Calle de Padilla purchased by Mexican investor Nicolas Carrancedo, of the Be Grand group. Currently being refurbished, half of its 25 "premium" apartments have already been sold to wealthy Mexicans. In the spring, on Calle de José Ortega y Gasset, the new luxury restaurant Abya opened in a 20th-century palace, after Mexican businessman Manuel Gonzalez invested €50 million in the project.
Real estate, the main investment sector
"Before, capital flows were almost exclusively from North to South. Not anymore," said Erika Gonzalez. Traditionally, Latin America has served as a springboard for the internationalization of many Spanish companies in the banking, construction and renewable energies sectors, before their leap into other international markets such as the US. Now, investment in Spain from Latin America is also starting to take off. It reached €1.4 billion in 2021, and another €1.1 billion in 2022, according to the Institute for Foreign Trade (ICEX). This is still well below the €36.5 billion of foreign direct investment (IED) by Spanish companies in Latin America. But the 287 new Latin American projects launched in Spain last year testify to the dynamism of these relations.
Real estate is the main investment sector. Venezuelan developers such as Miguel Angel Capriles, a distant cousin of the Venezuelan opposition figure of the same name, led the way in 2013, when prices were at their lowest and the government had just introduced "golden visas," residency for foreigners who buy properties over €500,000. Lately, it's been Mexican investors who have been steadily buying up and renovating high-value buildings in order to bring luxury apartments onto the market, prized by their wealthy compatriots. Since 2020, they have invested €700 million.
Dissidents and former presidents
On top of these wealthy investors, numerous dissidents have also arrived – from Cuban artists of the San Isidro movement to Venezuelan opposition figure Leopoldo Lopez, along with Guatemalan human rights prosecutor Jordan Rodas, who was banned from running in the elections, the result of which is expected in August.
Three former Mexican presidents have also taken up residence in the capital. Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988-1994) obtained Spanish citizenship thanks to a dispensation given to descendants of Sephardic Jews expelled from the kingdom at the end of the 15th century. Felipe Calderon (2006-2012) was invited by former Spanish prime minister José Maria Aznar to join the Atlantic Institute of Government (IADG), a think tank he founded. As for Enrique Peña Nieto (2012-2018), he obtained a golden visa after investing in luxury real estate in the center of Madrid and in a housing estate in a chic suburb. He found in Spain the tranquility he would probably not have experienced in his own country, where a judicial investigation has been opened against him for alleged corruption.
In 2021, after the name of two residents of 99 Calle de Lagasca appeared in the "Pandora Papers" – the leak of millions of documents from firms specializing in setting up companies in tax havens – the daily El Pais became interested in the 44 owners of this high-luxury building, where the penthouse, at the time the most expensive in the capital, had been sold for €14.6 million. Eleven of the owners were Mexican; five were Venezuelan, including a builder couple and Victor Vargas, the right-hand man of Hugo Chavez's former banker; two were Colombian; and one was Peruvian.
"Madrid has always been a welcoming city for Latin Americans, from both left and right," said Carlos Malamud, a researcher in international relations and Latin America specialist at the Elcano Royal Institute, who himself arrived in Spain in the 1970s to escape the dictatorship of Argentine general Videla. "During the last four Spanish presidencies of the EU Council, attempts had already been made to place relations with Latin America at the center of the agenda, without much success. The current context – the need for Spain to diversify its allies to cope with the consequences of the war in Ukraine – and the growing interest in strategic mineral, energy and cereal supplies has changed the game," added Malamud.
Spain intends to take advantage of this and strengthen the "Ibero-American" space. As part of the European stimulus package, the government has earmarked €1.1 billion for the development of the "economy of Spanish" in order to promote Castilian, a language spoken by over 550 million people worldwide, and encourage its use in science, artificial intelligence, culture, audiovisual media and publishing.