By Germán & Co. in Karlstad, Sweden on September 24, 2023.

The Chilean newspaper "La Tercera" published an interview with Dr. Moisés Naím yesterday, titled "I am concerned about political necrophilia in Latin America, the love of dead ideas." Available in these editions.

Dr. Naím's sharp reflections, as usual, lead to points of reflection. He addresses a pressing issue in Latin America in this interview: the persistence of outdated and ineffective political ideologies. Political necrophilia, as defined by Dr. Naím, is a phenomenon in which political leaders and societies become obsessed with ideas that are no longer relevant or beneficial.

His astute observations serve as a wake-up call for Latin America's leaders or “castas”, urging them to abandon old ideas in favour of new and innovative approaches to addressing the challenges of the twenty-first century.

Two things in the text stand out to me. First, the word "necrophilia" was chosen not for its meaning, but because it reminded me of the renowned writer and poet Roberto Bolaños. Bolaños explores themes that delve into the human psyche and the depths of human desires in his captivating story titled "El Retorno" from the book "Putas Asesinas" - a topic that we will have the opportunity to explore further later.

“Moreover, shifting gears to the journalist's question regarding Chile prompts us to reflect upon the current state of the country and its government under the leadership of Gabriel Boric. It is intriguing to ponder the multifaceted aspects of Chile and how the government's policies and decisions shape its trajectory today. By delving into the intricate complexities of Chilean society and governance, we can better understand the prevailing dynamics shaping its current landscape. The exploration of such a topic paves the way for an enriching discourse on the challenges and opportunities that lie ahead for Chile and its people.

“When Boric came to power, I hoped he would have to form a coalition allowing Chile to recover its path of economic progress. Chile was the world champion in economic reforms, and it achieved this thanks to a fantastic alliance called the “Concertación”, which lasted many years, endured, and was very resilient.

“Do you think that can be achieved? I believe Chile can achieve it, but it will require a collective effort from all sectors of society to come together and prioritize the nation's economic well-being.

Dr. Naím's response reminded me of an interview he gave to the same media ten years ago (September 9, 2013) Professor James A. Robinson from Harvard University School of Government. In that enlightening conversation, the academic emeritus shared valuable insights into the root causes of Chile's economic disparity compared to North America.

“He pointed out that the impact of the military era on the economy has been overstated, reshaping the narrative around Chile's economic struggles.

“Professor Robinson, delved deeper, emphasizing that the true culprits behind Chile's relative poverty were the economic institutions that had systematically blocked opportunities for many people in Chilean society. This stark realization illuminated the need for comprehensive reforms and a departure from the military constitution that had hindered progress for far too long. The urgency to consign this outdated constitution to the dustbin of history has never been more critical.

As Chile looks towards its future under Boric's leadership, the nation must confront these deep-rooted economic challenges head-on. By fostering unity, embracing collaboration, and implementing meaningful reforms, Chile has the potential to reclaim its status as a global economic powerhouse. The journey towards economic progress may be arduous, but the prospect of achieving a brighter and more equitable future for all Chileans makes it a path well worth pursuing.

In this matters the study made by ECLAC titled "Chilean social stratification towards the end of the 20th century," by Arturo León and Javier Martínez in August 2001.

“The paper highlights the superimposed distributions of income and educational access, which persistently contribute to interclass inequalities and the potential resurgence of traditional conflicts over conflicting interests. These findings suggest that Chile has yet to witness the emergence of a truly egalitarian society that fosters new forms of social solidarity.

“Chile must confront these issues head-on and take decisive action to address the systemic obstacles that hinder the social mobility of its citizens. By prioritizing inclusive economic policies, investing in quality education, and nurturing a sense of social solidarity, Chile can begin to pave the way for a more equitable society. Only then can it hope to break free from the historical patterns of conflict and division and forge a path to a brighter and more prosperous future for all its people, according to ECLAC.

In the 50 years since 1973, something highly unusual and disturbing has occurred in the local media's treatment of this transcendental issue in Chilean history. The journalistic coverage of the disastrous coup d'état has been shamelessly prostituted and sensationalized to the point where, for many media outlets, it has devolved into a twisted showman like spectacle, with the central axis shifting inexplicably towards General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte's private life.

They have focused on peering into the darkest corners of his personal life, viciously unearthing every intimate detail, ranging from the outrages he committed to the mistreatment he suffered during his turbulent marriage with Doña Lucía Hiriart Rodríguez, a lady of rich ancestral heritage and distinguished lineage. This nauseating and disturbing obsession with public figures' private lives raises troubling questions about society's enduring fascination, or perhaps morbid curiosity, with the most intimate aspects of those in power.

General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte, despite his limited intellect and lack of financial means, needed a young woman of high birth to further his military objectives. It is critical to distinguish between lack of wisdom and outright stupidity, and the general did not fall into the latter category. Doña Lucia, on the other hand, became entangled in the general's plans, serving as nothing more than a side companion to an officer who happened to be in the right place at the right time, burdened by unfulfilled dreams and frustrated by her social position.

It is worth noting that General Pinochet, who eventually became the most powerful and feared man in the southern country, stumbled into the military academy by chance. After two failed attempts, he passed the entrance exam on his third try, a stroke of luck that came with a hint of divine intervention. Something from beyond seemed to guide his path, limiting his free will, whether by fate or design.

Nevertheless, it was not until Sunday, September 9, in the afternoon that General Pinochet decided to participate in the brewing coup d'état. Riddled with doubts and fears of falling into a trap, he succumbed to the immense pressure exerted by Mr. José Toribio Merino Castro, the Navy Admiral and influential figure within Chile's military ranks. In this sense, General Pinochet cannot be deemed solely responsible, nor can he be considered the mastermind or the strategist behind the prior planning of the tragic events unfolding on September 11.

This time, it was between General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte and the commander of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro Ruz. Such friendships arising from unlikely circumstances never cease to fascinate observers.

Moreover, when discussing surprises, it would be remiss not to mention the captivating composition "Surprises Give You Life," a collaboration between talented artists Willy Colón from Puerto Rico and Rubén Blades from Panama. Born from the renowned 1928 musical drama 'The Threepenny Opera', this song, composed by Kurt Weill with lyrics by Berthold Brecht, continues to captivate audiences with its timeless allure.

In an unforeseen turn of events, General Pinochet, who enjoyed President Allende's confidence and shared a friendship with the revolutionary Fidel Castro Ruz, orchestrated an act of treason by joining the coup d'état on that fateful afternoon of Sunday, September 9, 1973. The path that led him to this moment was filled with twists of fate. Initially failing the military academy entrance exams not once but twice, he found himself unexpectedly admitted on his third and final attempt—an outcome seemingly guided by some mystical force. Akin to these twists, his marriage to Doña Lucía Hiriart Rodríguez played an instrumental role in his rise within the military hierarchy, owing to her father's influential position. Ultimately, Pinochet emerged by a disposition called —primus inter pares— as the leader of the coup's military junta, causing great misfortune for his father-in-law, a democratic politician who never quite forgave him. As always, life is a tapestry woven with unforeseen surprises.

Returning to the idea of Dr Moisés Naín about the game is stuck, it is important to reflect on the historical context of Chile. Fifty years ago, the country was deeply polarized, not only in two divergent poles but within themselves, fragmented with radical ideas that transformed into other entities of discord. All of this took place in a world known as the "Cold War," where divisions were not limited to national boundaries.

It is essential to understand that the armed forces and their allies did not solely orchestrate Allende's overthrow. More radical factions in the —Unidad Popular— also pushed the democratically elected government to the brink. The aftermath of this historical event still lingers, as Chile today finds itself even more atomized and intransigent than ever before.

In a world that is not divided in two but instead characterized by various divisions and conflicts, finding common ground, and reaching consensus becomes increasingly challenging. The Yalta agreements of 1945, which sought to create a post-war balance of power, now seem nothing short of a miracle in this political stage.

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Now we're back in Roberto Bolaños' world

According to a New York Times article by Garth Risk Hallberg on February 16, 2021, Roberto Bolaños is described as reestablishing his legendary universe.

“The case of the Chilean genius Roberto Bolaño (1953-2003) seems even clearer. By his 40s, with his liver starting to fail, he was already mining his own archives to support his wife and children, beginning the work that continues long after his death. And why shouldn’t it? “The Savage Detectives” may have made Bolaño’s name, but his posthumous publications — from the galactic “2666” to the winsome “Spirit of Science Fiction” — have cemented his legend. He left behind a vault to rival Prince’s Paisley Park.

One of Bolaños most profound reflections on human existence is the following:

“Everything I have written is a love letter or a farewell to my generation, those of us born in the fifties and those of us who, at a particular moment, chose the practice of militia. In this case, it would be more correct to say militancy, and we gave what little we had, the most we had, which was our youth, to a cause that we believed to be the most generous of the world’s causes and in a way, it is, but it was not.

A final reflection on the unfortunate situation of Latin America compels us to be honest enough and recognize that it is not solely the fault of a few individuals but rather a collective responsibility that we all share. From various corners of society, whether consciously or unconsciously, we have each, in our way, contributed to this reality through acts of pettiness, the imposition of obstacles, and the setting of traps that ultimately undermine the common well-being. As we solemnly reflect on our present circumstances, it would be wise to heed the timeless words of Plato, who eloquently reminds us of the importance of sacrificing our own interests for the pursuit of the common good.

The "political necrophilia" in Latin America, which refers to the “love” of outdated ideas.

La Tercera, by Juan Paulo Iglesias, September 23, 2023

The Venezuelan writer and analyst recently visited Chile at the invitation of La Otra Mirada and believes that the current political moment in the region is best described as a deadlocked game. "Everyone possesses adequate capacity to hinder the game, yet no one has the means to unblock it," he asserts. According to him, the countries capable of fostering alliances between rivals will prosper. "Chile has the potential to achieve this; it is the best-placed nation in Latin America," he says.

The End of Power was followed by The Revenge of the Powerful. Over the last decade, Moisés Naím has been among the most insightful commentators on the swift political transformations happening in the world today. He has alerted us to the new logic that underpins contemporary society and the dangers it poses.

He believes that a statement made by José Ortega y Gasset in the 1930s has never been more relevant. "The Spanish philosopher had stated, "We are uncertain of what is happening to us," just before the crisis that affected Europe. According to Naím, this statement resonates deeply with the current situation where an impending event looms large, and its impact is yet unknown.

In La revancha de los poderosos, the author highlights the danger of the 3Ps: populism, post-truth, and polarization." Since the book was published in 2022, has the threat worsened?

I will share a personal anecdote. The book received positive reviews in multiple countries, and I was interviewed in Indonesia, Malaysia, Central Europe, and the Middle East. During these meetings, I was often asked why I had not mentioned that their respective countries had inspired the 3P model. In essence, they all felt that I was discussing their nations. Since the book was published in 2022, has the threat worsened? However, it is important to note that the 3Ps have a global scope. The book "The Three Ps" by Moisés Naím helps to understand what is happening in these countries, and this is widely recognised. Consider the following revised text: Israel, as a leading democracy in the Middle East, is currently facing significant pressure.

Additionally, other countries such as Spain, Chile, Peru, Argentina, Brazil, Venezuela, and Colombia are also experiencing similar pressures.

“In an interview with El País newspaper, Naím stated that democracy has been destroyed without our realisation. This raises questions on whether democracy is truly at risk.

Yes, there is a direct attack on the factors that define what a democracy is: the division of powers, the independence of the media, and freedom of speech, all of which are under attack. In addition, you have a new breed of leaders who are autocratic but who somehow make institutional contortions and adopt alternative narratives to appear more democratic. They are autocrats trying to show themselves to the world as democrats. In addition, since the book was published, we have seen unprecedented climate change events. It is nature enraged. Moreover, as if that were not enough, things like artificial intelligence appear, which not only came to change the world but is going to change it and is changing it at an incredible speed. All of this threatens democracy.

In The End of Power, you warned about the effect social networks and the internet had on society, but AI is a kind of upgrade, a step forward. What risks do you see in this phenomenon for democracy?

This goes far beyond social media. This changes everything. Artificial intelligence, climate change, what is happening between the great powers, and social conflict, and added to the attacks on democracy, give you a precarious situation. Artificial intelligence is the fastest-adapting technology in history. Innovation has yet to be adopted by many people as fast as artificial intelligence.

What do you think will be the consequence of that change?

Living in a confused society, which does not know who to believe, what to believe, what is true, what is a set-up. It will present unprecedented challenges. However, that same technology will produce mechanisms to better deal with this uncertainty about what or who to believe. The same technology is going to give us tools to protect ourselves.

Do you think democracy can adapt to these changes?

All institutions need to catch up in the need to adapt and respond effectively to the technological changes and changes in the environment. We are talking about the Vatican, and we are talking about the Pentagon; we're talking about JPMorgan, and we are talking about a company in India; We are talking about culture, theatre or cinema, television, poetry, literature and war, kidnappings and evils. All of that is in the pot.

Amid this scenario, controversial political leaders emerge. It was the case of Donald Trump in the United States and Javier Milei in Argentina. How do you see Milei? Does it fall within the logic of the 3P?

I am very impressed by how difficult it will be for him to govern if he wins. He has made promises and is based on electoral offers that are almost suicidal and irrelevant because he will not be able to realize them. That the Central Bank is going to close, nobody believes that. Furthermore, it will have immediate, negative consequences if it does. Total dollarization of the economy in a different way than has been tested in other countries, too. He has a long list of things that he has promised, and he will not be able to deliver, so he will be forced to make alliances with other parties and then have to negotiate.

You say that what the leaders of the 3Ps do is destroy democracy from within. Do you see that risk with Milei in Argentina or with other leaders in the region?

In Milei's case, we do not know; we do know that the concentration of power tends to make institutions more authoritarian. I do not think even he knows. He does not know what the limits of what he can do are. He will try to do it all and then figure out what part of that whole is viable, and it will have consequences. However, in addition to Milei, the other character that is fashionable in Latin America is Bukele, who has a popularity rating of the highest in the world and has managed to make it possible for people to go out on the streets in El Salvador without being killed, raped or robbed. But there is a risk to democracy, a human rights issue that is being violated. That is not a stable or sustainable situation, but what you have to take care of with Bukele or what he has to take care of is his relationship with human rights; he must be the primary protector of human rights. 

Can Bukele become a model for his strategy to be replicated in Latin America, considering the crime problems that affect the region?

To achieve this, he has to resolve the contradiction between how he faces problems and that this is done in a democratic regime. There is a contradiction in how he and a Democrat should act. Let us not forget that Bukele was the one who entered his country's Congress, surrounded by soldiers and police officers when the deputies were discussing a law. Then he corrected himself and backed down, but that is his propensity.

"There is a problem of very important leaders in the world and in Latin America, and there is also a problem of followers. It's very serious the problem we have with supporters, how vulnerable they are to being manipulated, how uninformed they are."

Moisés Naím

Do you think that these figures appear because democracy is not able to respond to citizen demands due to a failure in democratic systems?

I do not believe that. A worldwide trend called anti-politics gives people the luxury of saying and despising politics and politicians. It is the idea that all politicians are wrong, they are all thieves, they are all corrupt, they never do anything, nothing works, nothing, it works, etcetera, etcetera. So you see a reaction to the government's performance, and we see that on the right and the left, in the north and the south. Governments need to be fixed, among other reasons, because the realities they have to function are accelerating at a speed governments cannot respond to. When you say it is democracy that's not giving you what people expect, that is right, but if it is not democracy, it is authoritarianism. This is not only about the regime, which also plays a role; this has to do with governments that do not work and people fed up with promises and offers that are not fulfilled. People are fed up with the poor performance, ineptitude and mediocrity we find among our leaders. There is a problem of critical leaders in the world and Latin America, and there is also a problem of followers. Our problem with the followers is severe: how vulnerable they are to being manipulated, how uninformed they are, how little interested they are in better understanding why they are voting and for whom, and how fragile their point of view is.

Is there a danger that, eventually, authoritarianism will end up attracting some people who prefer it to democracy?

Absolutely. There are all the fascist regimes. Let us not forget that Hitler started democratically, won an election and then did everything he did to concentrate power. We are seeing that elsewhere. The idea that you win an election and then from within undermine democracy and weaken it is seen in many places.

But a part of the population is willing to do that.

That is because they do not know it; what they do know is that democracy is not working for them. So, well, come on, something else. That has produced two things in the world: a proliferation of elections and new faces. There is a huge appetite for new faces, and that has to do with anti-politics. I do not want more people who have been in power or close to power. That they all leave is the mantra of that way of seeing the world. Milei is the latest example of this, but we had Hugo Chavez, who also arrived as a new face before that. We had Pedro Castillo in Peru, that is, new faces who produce inexperienced people, people who are not prepared and who are there only because of the feeling of revenge that guides voters, who feel that they have been systematically deceived.

Speaking of Chile, how do you see the country and the government of Gabriel Boric today?

When Boric came to power, I had the hope that he would have to make a coalition that would allow Chile to recover its path of economic progress. Chile was the world champion in economic reforms, and it achieved that thanks to a fantastic alliance called the Concertación, which lasted many years and was very resilient. That is why I hope Chile will return to the path of economic reforms. And hopefully, there will be an effort to create political and institutional reforms that deepen democracy and make it more effective.

Can that be achieved?

Chile can achieve it, but there must be a national agreement. There has to be a grand alliance that includes the entire political spectrum. There is something I am seeing in other parts of the world that has led me to the conclusion that in the twenty-first century, only countries capable of governing and creating permanent, stable and deep alliances between rivals are the countries that will prosper. The rest will remain stagnant or in decline. We have to get to the coalition of those who do not feel comfortable among themselves, and it is the only way. All parties have to make concessions. Chile has the potential to achieve this. In Latin America, it is the one that is better placed.

What risks do you see today in Latin America?

I worry about political necrophilia, which comes along with everyone leaving. Necrophilia is the attraction of some human beings to corpses, and there is a political variant that I call political necrophilia, which is the love of dead ideas, of policies that have been tried here and elsewhere, over and over again and always end badly. Latin America has a lot of that. However, beyond that, the most accurate scenario to define Latin America today is that of the blocked game. In all countries, the political game needs to be recovered. Everyone has enough power to block the game, but no one has the power to enforce the game. That is happening everywhere. The blocked game is the scenario that best describes Latin America today.

And how do you unblock that game?

With alliances, unfriendly alliances. Colombians say that is called swallowing toads; you have to swallow that toad. But you need more willingness to do that in politics in Colombia and the world. Countries that can find a way for people who are in opposing groups to identify things they can work on together will do well.